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Would He Have Freed Her? [AGR 206-9]

Erin Wildeman

[1] The debate on the legitimacy of Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings's relationship seems everlasting. Even after a century-and-a-half, the country is still itching to know the truth of the scandalous private life of the country's third president. Jefferson's defenders use several arguments to preserve his integrity, most of which are addressed in Annette Gordon-Reed's 1998 Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: An American Controversy. As a lawyer, Gordon-Reed claims to analyze each defense of Jefferson as objectively as possible; however, we can see some bias from her perspective as an African American woman. Gordon-Reed presents her case by asking several rhetorical questions and by asking the reader to think about the alternatives to Jefferson's choices, creating an overall effective argument. Perhaps one of the final questions Jefferson defenders would have, and the final argument Gordon-Reed discusses, is "would Thomas Jefferson have failed to free Sally Hemings if she had been his mistress?" (206-9).

[2] To Jefferson defenders, one of the main signs that there was no relationship was that he never formally freed Sally Hemings, his supposed long-term mistress. Gordon-Reed says to Jefferson defenders that believing the relationship did not exist based on the fact that Sally's name was not in Thomas Jefferson's will is "another example of the failure to think seriously about the context in which these events were unfolding" (206). Historically, Sally was freed, in fact, by Martha Randolph, Jefferson's eldest daughter. Several forms of recent media, such as Barbara Chase-Riboud's novel Sally Hemings played around with the fact that Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings entered some sort of verbal agreement for her freedom upon Jefferson's death. However, there is no traditional historical evidence to back up this claim, just the oral tradition from Sally through her son Madison. Even so, Gordon-Reed questions Jefferson defenders, saying that a verbal agreement and less visible freeing of Sally would have been the more practical approach.

[3] Gordon-Reed makes the point that "formally freeing Sally Hemings . . . would have been taken as even more certain admission of their relationship" (207). Thomas Jefferson had his reputation to consider. He had been able to keep his relationship with Sally fairly unknown during his time in public office -- why, at his death, should he simply tell the world? By admitting his relationship with Sally, Jefferson "would have been rubbing his violation of the ultimate taboo in the faces of white society" (208). If Thomas Jefferson had put Sally Hemings' name in his will, along with the other five slaves, all of whom were Hemingses, people would have thought that they comprised a family. This, in turn, "would have drawn unfavorable attention to three vulnerable ex-slaves and also would have created more heartache for Martha and his grandchildren" (207).

[4] Gordon-Reed then goes on to discuss the writing of John C. Miller who notes the fact that Sally's value as a slave was very low because of her age. She was monetarily worthless, regarded simply as a "collector's item" to anyone at the time who believed Callender's story. Gordon-Reed somewhat weakly analyzes this argument. She does not address a large portion of Miller's argument, saying "we can assume that Miller was being sarcastic when he wrote the last clause of this sentence" (207). The sentence that Gordon-Reed is choosing not to acknowledge is perhaps the most emotionally heated in Miller's argument. Leaving it out because of its sarcasm does not allow Miller to make his full argument on the subject.

[5] The last point Gordon-Reed makes in regard to Sally Hemings not being in Thomas Jefferson's will is the subtlety in which the Jefferson family was able to sell his estate after his death. Jefferson's estate was sold on the lottery system, which required special legislative permission and much paperwork. However, "Jefferson made no formal application . . . instead, his grandson and he contacted friends in the assembly and asked them to help matters proceed" (208). If the Jefferson family was capable of handling the processes of selling an entire estate informally, certainly, says Gordon-Reed, they were capable of handling "the freedom of one aged female slave and permission for her to remain in the state . . . quietly, and with no paperwork as well" (208). This is Gordon-Reed's strongest refutation in this section of her book. She makes the defense's argument seem simplistic and makes it seem obvious why Jefferson followed course of action he chose.

[6] Clearly, Annette Gordon-Reed effectively makes her case about Thomas Jefferson not explicitly freeing Sally Hemings in his will. Through the use of several rhetorical questions and simplifications, Gordon-Reed's audience begins to subconsciously agree with what she is saying. While her refutations are effective and seemingly objective, as an African American woman, they do reveal some bias. Annette Gordon-Reed's opinions obviously favor defending Sally Hemings and moving away from the vilified image that Callender created.