Representations of Pocahontas in Hanay Geiogamah's Foghorn
Jessica Powers, University of Minnesota
[1] Hanay Geiogamah's play Foghorn debuted in 1973 during the height of the twentieth-century conflicts between the United States government and various American Indian populations involving treaty disputes and land rights issues, including the famous 1973 Siege at Wounded Knee and the occupation of Alcatraz Island from 1969 until 1971. Geiogamah chooses to use theater, a traditionally European art form, blended with his own Kiowa-style story-telling, traditional dance and drumming, and satire to speak truth to power. Foghorn uses multimedia to present episodes from the struggle between American Indians and the United States government, beginning with Columbus, moving to Pocahontas, and continuing with the protests at Wounded Knee. Subsequently, Foghorn became part of the foundation of American Indian drama and provided a rallying cry for the American Indian Movement.
[2] Geiogamah deeply satirizes each episode, and his "Author's Note" reminds the director that the characters are "stereotypes pushed to the point of absurdity" (49). He uses the Pocahontas character to poke fun at those who have benefited from using the myths surrounding her. The play stars the mythical Pocahontas, who bears no resemblance to the Pocahontas of the historical record. The mythical Pocahontas is juxtaposed with the real person in order to create a message about the relationship between American Indians and European Americans in the modern world, especially in the context of the land-rights issues, racism, and anti-American-Indian public policy, issues brought forth by the leaders of the American Indian Movement beginning in 1968 in Minneapolis.
Land Rights Issues and the American Indian Movement: Historical Context of Foghorn
There are only a handful of people in each generation who forge real change. There are fewer still whose changes make things better. Dennis James Banks, the charismatic founder of the American Indian movement, is one of those very few."-----Kenneth S. Stern Loud Hawk
[3] In late 1968, the American Indian Movement (AIM) began spreading out of Minneapolis, Minnesota. According to the Minnesota Historical Society, the leaders of the movement came together to discuss discrimination in public policy that arose from and led to racism, a lack of treaty rights, poverty, and the loss of tribal land. Throughout the next several years, the group used both diplomacy and militancy to persuade the federal government to change this discriminatory policy. The movement had a tradition of defiling American origin myths and landmarks for the sake of publicity for the movement. For example, in 1970, the 350th anniversary of the Pilgrim's landing at Plymouth, the group stole the Mayflower replica. The next year it occupied Mount Rushmore (Lazarus 293). In 1972, the group took over the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) in Washington, D.C.
[4] Foghorn specifically deals with two events from this time period: the (second) occupation of Alcatraz Island in 1969 and the Wounded Knee incident of 1973. In accordance with their rights under the Indian Reorganizations Act (1934) (also known as the Wheeler-Howard Act) and the Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868), a group of AIM supporters, consisting of members of several tribes, occupied Alcatraz Island, site of the former federal maximum-security prison, and began planning for the construction of several structures, including a cultural and education center (Johnson 1). The island served as a symbol for the American Indian community, especially for idealistic young people from urban populations. Though the government feigned interest in reaching an agreement, several departments were working to remove the Indians from the island. The government eventually went through with the removal, and the occupation ended in 1971 (Johnson 2, 196).
[5] On the heels of this incident occurred the 1973 siege at Wounded Knee. Over a period of 71 days, supporters of the American Indian Movement took over the town of Wounded Knee, South Dakota, situated on the Pine Ridge Reservation in southwestern South Dakota. Although the intentions of both the AIM supporters and the federal government are contested even today, the siege ended with two AIM supporters dead and a U.S. Marshal paralyzed. This event was in the national headlines for weeks. Several months later, Foghorn made its debut-- not in the United States but in Berlin.
American Indians and the Influence of Bertolt Brecht
For decades Indians have been portrayed in films and television in a manner entirely derogatory to their cultural and mental well-being. Who on this earth can enjoy seeing themselves and their race portrayed as fiendish savages and murderers who scream blood-curdling yelps as seemingly their only form of vocal communication? It is thought by many American Indian leaders and activists that this unabated, corrupt use of American Indians by the American dream makers has been a major factor in the deepening cultural and spiritual malaise of American Indians.-----Statement by the American Indian Theater Ensemble, 1972.
[6] Theater before the 1970's included American Indians but not their voices. Though American Indian plays and characters existed, creative control was often in the hands of a white production staff; this was especially true of film (Haugo 190-191). American Indian characters, like many minority characters of the time, were highly stereotyped. The characters have traditionally acted more like objects than people and have represented the "problem" in the plot. Therefore, they were never fully developed nor given any agency. Moreover, popular American theater, like television and movies, has usually portrayed the American Indian as immoral. These one-dimensional characters spread racism, for through the entertainment media the American public became more familiar with these representations than with any specific American Indian person. Geiogamah uses Foghorn to flip this standard, and the play stereotypes the white characters as well.
[7] In 1972, during a period of renewed interest in the phenomenon of minorities accepting dual identities versus assimilating, Geiogamah began his theater troupe and became one of the first, and ultimately the most influential, playwrights in the genre. His work followed in the path of other social justice movements that had used theater as a means of social protest, notably the Black Arts Movement. Supported by the American Indian Movement, popular interest in American Indians during the 1970s, and, ironically, funding from the United States government for American Indian autonomy, Geiogamah found a niche for his art (Geiogamah and Darby 1). He hoped that his theater troupe would "relate Native artists with their audience" and include social, cultural, and identity issues (Haugo 190).
[8] During the late 1960's and early 1970's, playwrights interested in using theatre as a form of social protest turned to Bertolt Brecht (1898-1956), German author and playwright known for his unique styles and techniques that manipulated the form of traditional theatre in order the better to portray the complex social conflicts of the modern era. Brecht's style was recreated and adapted around the world to several social movements during the twentieth century; in America, the most notable of these included the civil and gay rights movements. In an interview with MELUS (The Society for the Study of the Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States), Geiogamah admits that when Foghorn debuted in Berlin, he had only a limited understanding of Brecht, as he was not classically trained in theatre. Despite this admission, it is clear (through his style and techniques) that Geiogamah was greatly influenced by his contemporaries who were themselves directly impacted by Brecht's innovations.
[9] Brecht believed that his innovations were necessary in order to promote his liberal ideas through theatre. Brecht intended to challenge the audience instead of allowing them to watch the action passively from their seats, assuming that by challenging the audience in the theater he would influence them to act more aggressively in the "real world" (Bradley 3). Geiogamah employs these basics of Brecht to establish a connection with the audience. Though he uses fewer diversions and does not have the characters break scene to remove the "fourth wall" between cast and audience as Brecht did, Geiogamah reverses the traditional roles of the characters and "exposes the contradictions in social reality and depict[s] society as an ever changing state" (Bradley 4).
[10] One of Brecht's goals in using these methods was not only to change what people thought, but how they thought, to ensure they would think more critically about social problems in the future (Bradley 4). In Foghorn, Geiogamah uses Pocahontas the person to contradict Pocahontas the myth, reversing her traditional role throughout both literature and history. Applying this method to the Pocahontas myth, Geiogamah changes how the audience views the well-known Pocahontas in order to change how it thinks about American Indians in general. Foghorn also provides an excellent vehicle to expose the contradiction in social reality between the American perception of American Indian characters and real American Indian people.
[11] In addition to these thematic applications of Brecht, Geiogamah also channeled Brecht in the staging of the performance. This tactic included projected images in the background and constant reminders that the action on stage is not real. The "Author's Note" specifies, "It is not important if the audience can see offstage into the wings or if other elements of the production are exposed" (Geiogamah and Darby 101). By applying these elements of Brecht's style to American Indian drama, Geiogamah was forcing the American public to rethink stereotypes normally projected upon American Indian characters in other popular media.
[12] Although Foghorn debuted in Berlin in 1973, it appeared throughout the world and was shown to varied audiences. It toured as a key component to the American Indian Movement (AIM) in the United States, and a year later it was performed on March 1, 1974, in Minneapolis (the birthplace of the AIM) at the prestigious Guthrie Theater and subsequently, on June 22, 1974, at the Festival of American Indian Arts in LaGranda, Oregon, The result of showing the piece to both sides of the conflict -- the predominantly white audience at the Guthrie and the Native American audience at the Festival -- was two-fold.
[13] To the white audience, the alienation tactics provided a sense of discomfort and forced them to rethink their attitudes toward American Indians. The Guthrie audience would have seen numerous newspaper articles detailing the protest, policy, and violence of the American Indian Movement as it grew out of their backyards. The production of Foghorn, despite its intentional alienation, would have allowed audience members a dark space to be alone with their thoughts about the conflict. This "safe space" allowed the audience to question the stereotypes of American Indians in popular American television and to think differently about important upcoming public policy issues.
[14] When Foghorn was shown to American Indian audiences, however, the broad episodic content of the play provided a unifying experience. In each episode, the struggle over land between Euro-Americans and American Indians is profiled. Each scene's content is distributed episodically among several states and tribes so that the injustice felt is more universal. This unification is one reason that the play could be shown all over the country with similar effects. It also reflects the sense of unity the entire American Indian population felt as a result of public policy directed toward them, coupled with the feeling of cohesion resonating through the community stemming from AIM (Geiogamah and Darby 1). The unification is even more effective in the presentation of the play's specific humor.
The Role of Humor in Revolutionary Theater
Indians have found a humorous side to nearly every problem, and the experiences of life have generally been so well defined through jokes and stories . . . The more desperate the problem, the more humor is directed to describe it.-----Vine Deloria Jr. 1979
[15] The humor of the play, rooted in American Indian storytelling traditions, releases the real conflict surrounding the production of Foghorn by allowing members of the audience to laugh at themselves in a "safe" space while the action of the play chips away at the power of the oppressors by suggesting that the oppressed are not blindly victimized but informed about the history of the conflict and fighting back intelligently. Though the conflict between the two groups is always present and constant, the humor varies among wild stage directions and various musical numbers as well as by improvisation from the cast. The joking allows the author to dig up the most painful social wounds since European arrival and remove their power through the mockery of the oppressor. On achieving the humor of the play, the "Author's Note" states, "The satire proceeds by playful mockery rather than bitter denunciation. A production should aim at a light, almost frivolous effect (the basic seriousness of the play will emerge all the more effectively if the heavy hand is avoided)" (Geiogamah 49).
[16] The script uses satire to create social humor, to rebalance the power structure, and to suggest changes to the white society it mocks. In the 1989 interview with MELUS Geiogamah admits that he began writing Foghorn "to be a statement of militancy" (Lincoln 69). The first scene, originally written as a fight scene, would have reminded viewers of the violence taking place on Alcatraz Island, where the play is set. The title Foghorn refers to this setting, as the United States government blasted the foghorns on the island all night to try to force the American Indians to leave. Instead, the scene of violent verbal acts made by non-Natives to the American Indian people at different stages in American history allows the audience to feel quiet guilt instead of an off-putting rage. The result is lighter, yet more uncomfortable.
[17] The first scene sets the stage for the American Indian revolutionary voice, and, unlike the rest of the play, it contains no humor or satire. Scene One sets up the issues that the play deals with: land rights, the popular portrayal of American Indian culture as violent, and the imperial attitude of Europeans as they moved westward. Although there is no staged physical violence, the audience is bombarded by threats and theatric confusion as the action jumps quickly through time and over vast areas of land. These short conversations quickly immerse the audience in the revolutionary tone of the play. As the lights rise and fall to follow these conversations, the stage is enveloped in noise, and the audience hears gunfire off-stage. Thus, the audience immediately feels alienated from the settlers of the play. Foghorn's audiences had a prior understanding of the viewpoint of the author before arriving, and because it was well known that the first productions starred the American Indian Theater Ensemble, audiences anticipated the viewpoint of the play. It is unlikely that anyone would sympathize with the violence of the settlers. The actors, according to Geiogamah, had an excellent time "playing" the white "villains" of the piece (Lincoln 71).
[18] The second scene relies heavily on the narrator. The narrator's voice, whose first words are, "We the Native Americans," generalizes the American Indian experience throughout Scene Two (55). This generality is important for Geiogamah's sense of humor, because it relies on the shared experience of the audience, both the settlers and the Native Americans, though separately. The directness, intelligence, confidence, and wit of the narrator remove the power from the settlers and place it in the hands of the American Indian people. The narrator suggests that the American Indian people will "offer them [settlers] our religion, our education, our way of life -- in order to help them achieve our level of civilization and thus raise them and all their white brothers from their savage and unhappy state." This wry invitation mimics the play's reversal of roles of historical figures through history, including that of Pocahontas, and uses a serious tone both to express the message of the play as a whole and to set the stage for humor through satire and stereotyping.
[19] In Kenneth Lincoln's MELUS interview with Geiogamah, Foghorn's author suggests that he decided to use humor to express his message because it removes the power from insults and because, as a Kiowa, his own cultural history is deeply rooted in humor and storytelling (71). Kiowa humor relies on irony, the juxtaposition of white and Indian cultures, philosophies and ideas, and extravagance in the delivery (Palmer 85). These devices used to entertain are at the root of the play and are especially effective in decoding Scene Five, which features Pocahontas. In this scene, Pocahontas tells her tale of meeting John Smith but does so in an extravagant rambling way, leading slowly to the punch line, gauging the interest of her audience, and adjusting accordingly. This is one of the scenes that specifically lends itself well to improvisation and exaggeration by the cast to suit the audience.
Representations of Pocahontas in Foghorn
[20] Foghorn features a Pocahontas very similar to the one Disney portrayed in the 1995 film Pocahontas. She is not the "child of tenne" as the historical documents suggest, but rather a fully developed woman, such as suggested by John Burk, one of those nineteenth-century writers who placed Pocahontas in a romantic relationship with John Smith (Smith/Burk). The scene is split into two sections. First, Pocahontas is on stage singing "Indian Love Call," and then she gossips with her handmaidens. The song is the "traditional" European-theater style section of the scene, but the speaking section is open to improvisation by the actors. The song itself represents trite mid-1920's theater as well as the popularity of "Indian love" as a musical motif of the time (Pisani 278).
[21] "Indian Love Call" is another representation of Indian pop culture. Similar to the references to the Lone Ranger and to Pocahontas, "Indian Love Call" would have been instantly familiar to almost any audience, including those familiar with theater and those not. The song was written in 1924 by Rudolf Friml with lyrics by Oscar Hammerstein for the stage musical Rose-Marie. In 1936, Rose-Marie was remade into one of the highest grossing films of the year, and "Indian Love Call" was the most famous of all of the numbers (Bloom 278, and Wise). The song and its characters became an instantly recognizable reference, for it was satirized on television, stage, and radio. Other versions of the song appeared countless times between 1938 and 1973, including renditions by Artie Shaw and his Orchestra, Chet Atkins, and Slim Whitman. Choosing an easily recognizable song surrounded by Euro-Americanized Indian mythology adds to the satire. Originally, the song exploited American's ideas about American Indians. In this situation, however, an American Indian writer reclaims the myth and points it back at the American mainstream.
[22] In this representation, Geiogamah pokes fun at short-sighted American representations of American Indian culture in theater. Customarily, the cast was all white, and the Indian figures were characterized by lying, cheating, or stealing, and they generally lacked morals. The female characters were promiscuous. As Rose-Marie gave way to several remakes and then to film versions, many of these characters were just dropped, with "Indian Love Call" remaining as the only reference to the American Indian theme once central to the plot (Pisani 278).
[23] Although the legend of "Indian Love Call" was written as part of the script for the original stage version of Rose-Marie (the hyphen differentiated between the film and stage versions), there are no specific citations about where this legend originated. The legend has been summarized as follows:
Years ago two lovers from different tribes met here. Their families were enemies, sort of a Romeo and Juliet affair. They were discovered and sentenced to die, but their spirits still live. When a lover gives the call, their spirits echo it, sending it on until it reaches the one he loves. is moved by the beauty of it. She stands at the edge of the lake and gives the haunting call. Sergeant Bruce takes it up and sings the classic "Indian Love Call" (Rose Marie). June 22, 1974.In the musical as well as in the movie, the song plays an important role in advancing the plot. The female lead must communicate with her lover after he is accused of killing an Indian over a land rights dispute. (Pisani 278)
[24] Aside from being another reference to American Indians in pop-culture and land rights disputes, the legend lends itself well to the Pocahontas myth, especially here, as she sings it to John Smith. Though the song changed context as the script was reformatted, many of the motifs of how the song was used remained the same. Both the song and the myth were taught to a white character by an Indian character, thus suggesting that the Indian characters want to pass their traditions onto a nice white character who is in touch with the forest. In one version, it is taught to a young woman who spends much of her youth outdoors and in the forest, and in another version the song is taught to a Mountie patrolling the wilderness of Canada (Pisani 281). In Foghorn, the audience can assume that Pocahontas taught the call to John Smith so that they would be able to communicate when they could not be together.
[25] The song is separated into two sections; in Foghorn only the second section is used. Traditionally, the full song was sung as an addition to the explanation of the myth. Then the second part of the song, the call itself, was used later when the lovers needed to respond to one another. Below I print the lyrics.
INDIAN LOVE CALLThe rhyme scheme is simple, and the rhymes themselves are predictable. "I am calling you/I will answer too/That means I offer my love to you/If you refuse it I will be blue." This ditty suggests that Pocahontas is a little stupid or cannot speak English very well. Though the audience is familiar with the song, it must assume that Pocahontas is the origin of the legend of the separated lovers in this situation.
I am calling you
I will answer too
That means I offer my love to you
If you refuse it I will be blue
And waiting all alone
But if when you hear my love call ringing clear
And I hear your love call echoing so near
Then I know our love will come true
You'll belong to me
I'll belong to you
When I will call our love will come true
You'll belong to me
I'll belong to you
[26] When Pocahontas arrives at her handmaidens at the conclusion of the song, she is first addressed as "Princess Pocahontas." This distinction is important to her characterization because the viewer assumes that a "Princess" should be reminiscent of European royalty: poised, polite, and prudish. Already, the audience is expected to project European ideals upon the character of Pocahontas in the play, assuming her to be the European representation of Pocahontas, who, at the end of her life, may well have been the Europeanized woman. Immediately, however, in Foghorn we are confronted with Pocahontas as a highly sexual, though naive, woman.
[27] Pocahontas and her handmaidens chat eagerly about how "big" John Smith is. Smith is a gigantic, powerful, sexualized character with no emotional depth. He is also characterized in the same way that the little Red Riding Hood describes the Big Bad Wolf. "Big eyes. Big Mouth. Big Ears" (63). Much like the Big Bad Wolf, Smith is in disguise. He is luring Pocahontas into a trap by convincing her to take her clothes off and give him her virginity. He wants to know immediately if Pocahontas is a virgin so that he may take her virginity. She is made out to be oblivious to exactly what is happening (though she is apparently happy about it) and proceeds to take off her clothes and follow Smith's lead as he takes advantage of her. The punch line is that Smith loses his erection quickly before they have sex.
[28] This joke could be a larger metaphor for the settlers' taking advantage of the established Native populations upon arrival in America. Popular myth often portrays the American Indian people of first contact as naive and willing to exchange huge tracts of land for copper kettles or beads. In this case, Pocahontas is willing to give up her virginity for something that will make her happy for the moment, or so she suspects. Smith is a "big" powerful representation of white settlers and their inability to act on what it is they want. Smith's impotence could also stand in for the idea of manifest destiny, the European-American value that the population must keep expanding westward in order to properly use the land. The land, however, was disrespected and wasted. The population moved on top of the land, but, in effect, in the eyes of the American Indians, the land wasn't properly used.
[29] The inability of white settlers to follow through on their desires, despite their best efforts to trick the American Indian population, is humorous when played out in this style. The scene ends, however, with a biting zing when Smith promises that he loves Pocahontas and he "won't let it happen next time" (65). This is a stinging reminder that there really was a follow-through and that, though sly, Smith and those who he stands for are villainous.
[30] Pocahontas is an appropriate legend to choose to represent the origins of land-rights disputes because of her prominent place in greater American origin myths. In terms of the rest of the play, Pocahontas exemplifies the first real episode of contact with colonizers. Though Euro-American myths place Pocahontas in a position to give rights to the land to the settlers, Geiogamah constructs her as a naive young woman interested only in sex. Not only does this myth allow the author to portray Smith as a looming villain and to disparage him by making him sexually defunct, it also removes the alleged power from Pocahontas as an ambassador.
[31] The version of the myth used for production is also important within the body of the rest of the play. Here Pocahontas is not sexually involved with John Rolfe, her documented husband, but rather with John Smith, in a love-story fabricated by settlers working to profit from the Pocahontas story (Hamor). This version of Pocahontas is so warped from history that it reflects entirely on the Euro-American people responsible for greedily exploiting the myth for their own gain or to promote their own message. In this case, Geiogamah does just that, though instead of placing Pocahontas anywhere near the age of that ten-or-eleven-year-old of historical record, he uses the Euro-American invention of Pocahontas. To Geiogamah, the American Indian characters of pop culture are not really American Indians; instead, they are just American mythology. By mocking the Euro-American representations, Geiogamah points out the lack of real knowledge that stage and screen writers have about American Indians and their legends. He also removes the power from the insults and turns them into humor.
Final Thoughts
[32] At the height of the American Indian Movement, Hanay Geiogamah constructed Foghorn as a satire both of American theatre and of the representations of American Indians in popular culture. By using Pocahontas, a character familiar to most Americans, Geiogamah challenges assumptions about myths created by Euro-American regarding American Indians, pointing out the racism and injustice that these representations cause. His opposition to these stereotypes channels Bertolt Brecht, whose goal was for theater to be revolutionary and to cause people to learn a new way of thinking. Though Foghorn is revolutionary and challenging, it is above all entertaining. Geiogamah's Kiowa-style story telling and humor make the message more palatable and encourage the audience to laugh at itself.
[33] Foghorn's humor was especially useful during its opening, for it debuted during the height of modern violence between American Indians and the United States Government. The play served as a thoughtful, nonviolent protest when shown to white, middle-class audiences, and as a source of unification when shown to festivals consisting of several nations. Out of Foghorn, one of the original pieces of American Indian Theatre, a movement and a genre were born. Geiogamah remains an authority on American Indian Theatre and Literature and is currently a Professor of Theater at UCLA.
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